Christianity 101: How did we get from Jesus to Christianity?
Image source: inspiredpencil.com
The term "Jewish Christian" might seem like an
oxymoron to those not well-versed in theology or religious history. How can
someone follow both Moses and Jesus at the same time? Yet, in the early days of
the Christian movement, during the first hundred years after Jesus, encounters
with Jewish Christians (also known as Judeo-Christians) were common both in the
Holy Land and in the diaspora.
During his ministry, Jesus of Nazareth focused solely on
Jews, referring to them as "the lost sheep of Israel" (Matthew 10:5;
15:24). His disciples were specifically instructed not to approach Gentiles or
Samaritans (Matthew 10:5). Even when Jesus ventured beyond his homeland, he did
not preach to pagans, nor did his disciples during his lifetime. The mission of
the eleven apostles to "all the nations" (Matthew 28:19) is a concept
that emerged after the Resurrection, likely inspired by Paul, and is not found
elsewhere in the Gospels, except in the longer ending of Mark (Mark 16:15),
which is absent from older manuscripts. Jesus' focus was exclusively on Jews.
The Acts of the Apostles tells us that the early community
of Jesus' followers consisted of 120 Jewish individuals, including the eleven
apostles and Jesus' mother and brothers (Acts 1:14–15). This is the last
mention of Mary in the New Testament, although there are further references to
Jesus' male siblings in Acts and Paul's letters. James, referred to by Paul as
"the brother of the Lord," is depicted as the leader of the Jerusalem
church (Acts 15:19; Galatians 1:19). According to another passage by Paul,
Jesus' married brothers also served as missionaries of the gospel (1
Corinthians 9:5).
On Pentecost after the crucifixion, Peter and the apostles
transformed from scared fugitives to passionate advocates for Jesus, persuaded
by the divine Spirit. Their powerful message in Jerusalem converted 3,000 new
followers, who joined by believing in Peter's teachings and being baptized.
Early followers of the Jerusalem Jesus movement didn't give
themselves a specific name, but their movement was called "the Way"
(Acts 9:2, 19:9, 24:14). The term "Christians" or
"Messianists" (Christianoi) first appears in Acts 11:26, referring to
members of the Antioch community in northern Syria.
How did the original
Judeo-Christians of Jerusalem compare to their Jewish neighbors? In many
essential ways, they were indistinguishable. The Judeo-Christians saw
themselves as Jews, adhering to Jewish customs and dietary laws. They
meticulously followed the Mosaic Law, and the apostles, along with their
followers, regularly visited the Temple of Jerusalem for both private and
public worship. It was at the Temple that they performed charismatic healings,
as documented in Acts 3:1–10 and 5:12, 20, 25, 42. According to Acts 2:46, the
entire Jesus party gathered for daily prayer in the sanctuary.
Even Paul, who was a vocal
critic of mandatory Jewish customs in his churches, was known to visit the
Temple during his trips to Jerusalem. On one occasion, he fell into a trance
while praying in the House of God (Acts 22:17). Later, he underwent the prescribed
purification rituals and commissioned the priests to offer sacrifices on his
behalf (Acts 21:24–26).
In addition to their adherence
to the Law of Moses and worship in the Temple, the early Jewish Christians
embraced the practice of "breaking of the bread" (Acts 2:46). This
act was not merely symbolic but a genuine meal that served a dual purpose:
nourishing the participants and symbolically uniting them with each other,
their Master Jesus, and with God. While the frequency of this rite isn't
explicitly stated, it appears to have been a daily occurrence, much like the
sacred dinners of the fully initiated Essenes described by Jewish writers Philo
and Josephus, as well as the Community Rule of the Dead Sea Scrolls. "And
day by day, attending the Temple together and breaking bread in their homes,
they partook of food with glad and generous hearts" (Acts 2:46).
Conversely, Acts 20:7 notes that Paul in Troas broke bread on the first day of
the week, and the Didache, the earliest Christian treatise (late first century
C.E.), also mandates that bread should be broken and thanksgiving (Eucharist)
performed each Sunday (Didache 14.1).
The Jerusalem Jewish Christians
also practiced a form of religious communism. "No one said that any of the
things which he possessed was his own, but they had everything in common"
(Acts 4:32). Unlike the Essenes at Qumran, they were not formally required to
divest themselves of their property and goods, but there was strong moral
pressure to do so; failing to comply would have been deemed improper.
Before the inclusion of gentile
members, the followers of Jesus were seen by the people of Jerusalem as part of
a Jewish movement or sect. They were similar in number to the Essenes and
shared customs like daily solemn meals and living off a common fund. In the
late 50s of the first century, they were known as the "sect of the
Nazarenes" (Acts 24:5, 14). Later, patristic literature referred to these
Judeo-Christians as the Ebionites or "the Poor." The church historian
Eusebius (260–339 C.E.) noted that up until the Bar-Kokhba war (the Second
Jewish Revolt against Rome [132–135 C.E.]), all 13 bishops of Jerusalem,
starting with James, the brother of Jesus, were from the
"circumcision" (Ecclesiastical History 4.3,5).
Acts marks a significant
demographic shift in the Jesus movement around 40 C.E. with the admission of
the Roman centurion Cornelius's family in Caesarea (Acts 10). This was followed
by the gentile members of the mixed Jewish-Greek church in Antioch (Acts
11:19–24; Galatians 2:11–14), and many pagan converts of Paul in Syria, Asia
Minor, and Greece. This influx ended the Jewish monopoly in the movement,
giving birth to both Jewish and gentile Christianity.
Let's delve into this
fascinating historical moment with a bit more flair and engagement.
In the Cornelius episode (Acts
10), the Roman centurion and his entourage experienced a Pentecost-like ecstasy
that left Peter astonished and convinced him to baptize them immediately. This
event was quite exceptional, as no further conversion of a gentile is recorded
in the Holy Land anywhere in the New Testament.
Fast forward to the late 40s
C.E., in the vibrant city of Antioch, Syria, where the once-novel became
commonplace. Emigré members of the Jerusalem church were joined by gentiles
evangelized and baptized by Judeo-Christians from Cyprus and Cyrene (North Africa).
The mother church in Jerusalem sent Barnabas to manage this new mixed
community. Barnabas, recognizing the need for support, quickly brought his
friend Saul/Paul from Tarsus in Cilicia to help oversee the burgeoning church.
In Antioch, Jewish and gentile
Christians coexisted harmoniously, sharing meals and fellowship. Peter himself
participated in these communal meals during his visits. However, the arrival of
some zealous representatives from the Jerusalem church, led by James, the
brother of Jesus, disrupted this harmony. Their disapproving stance led all
Jewish Christians, including Peter and Barnabas, to cease their table
fellowship with the Greek brethren, with the notable exception of Paul.
This division shattered the
unity and fraternity of the new mixed church. Outraged by the hypocrisy, Paul
confronted Peter publicly, marking the first major conflict in Christendom
(Galatians 2:11–14).
After Paul’s first successful
missionary journey to Asia Minor, the entry of pagans into the Jesus fellowship
became a particularly acute issue. A council of the apostles, attended by Paul
and Barnabas, was convened in Jerusalem, at which James the brother of the Lord
and head of the mother community overruled the demands of the extremist members
of his congregation and proposed a compromise solution (Acts 15:19–21):
Gentiles wishing to join the church would be exempted from the full rigor of
the Law of Moses, including circumcision, and would merely be required to
abstain from food sacrificed to idols, from the consumption of blood, from
eating non-ritually slaughtered meat, and from certain sex acts judged
particularly odious by Jews.
These rules were necessarily intended
for gentile converts in the diaspora. In Jerusalem different conditions
prevailed, for gentile Christians could not join their Judeo-Christian
coreligionists in the Temple as non-Jews were prohibited under threat of instant
death to set foot in the area of the holy precinct reserved for Jews.
The Jerusalem council of the
apostles marked a pivotal moment in the divergence of Jewish and gentile
Christianity. While they found common ground on some core beliefs and eagerly
anticipated the imminent second coming of Christ, the resurrection of the dead,
and the inauguration of the Kingdom of God, they also had their differences.
Paul, for instance, was adamant that these events would occur within his own
lifetime (1 Thessalonians 4:15–17).
However, their perspectives
diverged in other areas. The original Judeo-Christian practices, such as
baptism (a rite of purification) and the breaking of bread (a solemn communal
meal), underwent significant transformations in the gentile church under Paul's
influence. Baptism evolved into a mystical participation in the death, burial,
and resurrection of Jesus, while the communal meal became a sacramental
reenactment of the Last Supper. These differences eventually led to animosity
and a growing anti-Jewish sentiment within the gentile church.
Two of the oldest Christian
writings provide valuable insights into the divergences between these two
branches of Jesus' followers. The Didache, or Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles,
likely composed in Palestine or Syria, stands as our last major Jewish-Christian
document preserved in its entirety. On the other hand, the Epistle of Barnabas
represents one of the earliest expressions of gentile Christianity, replete
with anti-Jewish sentiments.
The Didache, dating back to the
latter half of the first century C.E., likely predates some New Testament
writings. Its religious framework is essentially a concise version of the
Mosaic Law, emphasizing the love of God and neighbor, complemented by the "golden
rule" in its negative Jewish form: "Whatever you do not want to
happen to you, do not do to another" (Didache 1.2). This contrasts with
the positive Gospel version: "Whatever you wish that men would do to you,
do so to them" (Matthew 7:12; Luke 6:31).
The Didache advocates for a
lifestyle akin to that of the early Jerusalem community depicted in Acts,
promoting religious communism: "Share all things with your brother and do
not say that anything is your own" (Didache 4.8). It appears to endorse
the observance of the entire Mosaic Law, or at least as much of it as feasible
(Didache 6.2).
Baptism is described as an
ablution, a purification rite, with a spray of water as an alternative to
immersion if pools or rivers are unavailable. Communal prayer involved reciting
the "Our Father" three times daily. The Eucharist, or thanksgiving
meal, was celebrated on the Lord's Day (Sunday) (Didache 14:1). This meal was
both a real dinner and a symbol of spiritual nourishment, with no reference to
the Lord's Supper in the Pauline sense.
In the Didache, teaching
authority was vested in itinerant prophets, as also mentioned in Acts 11:27–28.
These prophets were supported by bishops and deacons, who were not appointed by
apostolic successors, as was customary in gentile churches, but were democratically
elected by the community.
One of the most significant
aspects of the Didache’s doctrine is its portrayal of Jesus. This early
Judeo-Christian text does not incorporate Paul’s theological concepts of the
redeeming Christ or John’s divine Word or Logos. Remarkably, Jesus is never referred
to as the “Son of God” in the Didache. This term appears only once, and it is
used to describe the Antichrist, “the seducer of the world” (Didache 16.4). The
sole title given to Jesus in the Didache is the Greek term "pais,"
which can mean either servant or child. Given that Jesus shares this title with
King David in relation to God (Didache 9.2; see also Acts 4:25), it is evident
that it should be interpreted as God’s “Servant.” Thus, the Didache employs the
most humble Christological designation for Jesus.
In essence, the Jesus depicted
in the Didache is primarily an eschatological teacher, anticipated to return
soon to gather and lead the dispersed members of his church to the Kingdom of
God. The Pauline and Johannine notions of atonement and redemption are absent
in this early record of Judeo-Christian life. Passed down by Jewish teachers to
Jewish listeners, the image of Jesus in the Didache remains closely aligned
with the earliest traditions underlying the Synoptic Gospels, and the Christian
community described in the Didache resembles the Jerusalem church depicted in
Acts.
The transformation of Jesus'
image from a charismatic prophet to a superhuman figure coincided with a
significant geographical and religious shift. As the Christian gospel spread
from the Galilean-Judean Jewish culture to the pagan realms of the Greco-Roman
world, the perception of Jesus evolved. During this time, under the
organizational brilliance of Paul, the church developed a hierarchical
structure led by bishops, supported by presbyters and deacons. The diminishing
Jewish influence paved the way for a rapid "gentilization," leading
to the de-judaization and anti-judaization of early Christianity. This shift is
evident in the Epistle of Barnabas, one of the earliest works of gentile
Christianity.
This letter, falsely attributed
to Barnabas, Paul's companion, was actually penned by a gentile-Christian
author, likely from Alexandria, around the 120s C.E. It nearly became part of
the sacred scriptures and is included in the oldest New Testament codex, the
fourth-century Codex Sinaiticus, but was ultimately deemed non-canonical by the
church. A reference to the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem dates it
after 70 C.E., while the lack of mention of the Second Jewish Revolt against
Rome (132–135 C.E.) suggests it was written before 135 C.E.
The Epistle of Barnabas is a
hybrid work. It combines moral instructions (Barnabas 18–21), based on a Jewish
tractate on the way of light and the way of darkness, also found in the Didache
1–5 and the first-century B.C.E. Community Rule among the Dead Sea Scrolls,
with a lengthy anti-Jewish diatribe (Barnabas 1–17). The author portrays two
opposing groups, simply referred to as "we" (Christians) and
"they" (Jews), with the dispute centered on the Greek Old Testament
(Septuagint), which both groups claimed as their own.
Let’s keep in mind that Barnabas
is on a mission to enlighten his readers with "perfect knowledge"
(gnosis) by unveiling the true essence of key Biblical concepts like Covenant,
Temple, sacrifice, circumcision, Sabbath, and food laws. He passionately argues
that the Jews have misunderstood the Old Testament by taking its institutions
and precepts literally. Instead, these should be interpreted allegorically,
following the popular exegesis in Alexandria. According to Barnabas, the laws
of Moses have been given a spiritual makeover in the new law revealed by Jesus
(Barnabas 2:5). Sacrifice, he says, shouldn't be about ritual slaughter but
should come from a broken heart. Forgiveness of sin isn't achieved through
animal sacrifices but through the mystical sprinkling of Christ's blood
(Barnabas 5:1–6).
Barnabas is heavily influenced
by Paul's ideas, which were ignored by the author of the Didache. He believes
that those with gnosis understand that the true circumcision of the heart is
granted not by physical mutilation but through the cross of Jesus (Barnabas
9:3–7).
For Barnabas and his gentile
Christian followers, the covenant between God and the Jews was a sham; it was
never ratified. When Moses descended from Mt. Sinai with the Law, he saw the
Jews worshipping the golden calf and shattered the two stone tablets inscribed
by God's hand, nullifying the Jewish covenant. This covenant had to be replaced
by the one sealed with the redemptive blood of "beloved Jesus" in the
hearts of Christians (Barnabas 4:6–8, 14:1–7).
Barnabas presents a more
sophisticated portrayal of Jesus compared to the Didache’s depiction of the
“Servant” of God. Barnabas refers to Jesus as “the Son” or “the Son of God”
over a dozen times. This “Son of God” is described as having existed for all eternity
and being active even before the creation of the world. It was to this
preexistent Jesus that God spoke the words, “Let us make man according to our
image and likeness” at the foundation of the world (Barnabas 5:5, 6:12).
Barnabas implies the quasi-divine nature of Jesus by explaining that the Son of
God took on a human form because, without such a disguise, no one could look at
him and survive (Barnabas 5:9–10). The ultimate purpose of the descent of “the
Lord of the entire world” among humans was to suffer in order to destroy death
and demonstrate the reality of resurrection (Barnabas 5:5–6). This perspective
aligns closely with, and perhaps even extends beyond, the Pauline-Johannine
vision of Christ and his salvific work.
The divergence between Jewish
and gentile Christianity is evident at this stage, with the Epistle of Barnabas
marking the beginning of the church’s doctrinal evolution along exclusively
gentile lines. About fifty years after Barnabas, the bishop of Sardis, Melito,
accused the Jews of deicide, stating, “God has been murdered … by the right
hand of Israel” (Paschal Homily 96). Consequently, Jewish Christianity no
longer made sense.
The Didache represents the final
bloom of Judeo-Christianity. Following Hadrian's suppression of the Second
Jewish Revolt in 135 C.E., Jewish Christianity began its decline. Justin
Martyr, who was executed in 165 C.E., proudly noted that by his time, non-Jews
significantly outnumbered Jewish members in the church (First Apology).
From then on,
Judeo-Christianity, the elder sister that adhered to Mosaic precepts while
blending them with an early form of faith in Jesus, gradually became a fringe
phenomenon. Judeo-Christians either rejoined the Jewish community or were
absorbed into the gentile church.
So, how did the original
Judeo-Christians of Jerusalem stack up against their Jewish neighbors? In many
essential ways, they were quite similar. Judeo-Christians considered themselves
Jews, and their outward behavior and dietary customs were distinctly Jewish.
They faithfully observed all the rules and regulations of Mosaic Law. The
apostles and their followers regularly visited the Temple of Jerusalem, the
heart of Jewish worship, for both private and public worship. It was there that
they performed charismatic healings (Acts 3:1–10; 5:12, 20, 25, 42). According
to Acts, the entire Jesus party gathered for prayer in the sanctuary every day
(Acts 2:46). Even Paul, who was a major opponent of the obligatory performance
of Jewish customs in his churches, was a Temple-goer during his visits to
Jerusalem. He once fell into a trance while praying in the House of God (Acts
22:17) and on another occasion, he underwent the prescribed purification
rituals before commissioning the priests to offer sacrifices on his behalf
(Acts 21:24–26).
In addition to their devotion to
the Law of Moses and worship in the Temple, the early Jewish Christians
embraced the practice of "breaking of the bread" (Acts 2:46). This
act was not merely a symbolic ritual but a genuine meal that served a dual
purpose: nourishing the participants and symbolically uniting them with one
another, their Master Jesus, and with God. While the exact frequency of this
rite is not specified, it appears to have been a daily occurrence, reminiscent
of the sacred dinners of the fully initiated Essenes, as described by Jewish
writers Philo and Josephus, and the Community Rule of the Dead Sea Scrolls.
"Day by day, attending the Temple together and breaking bread in their
homes, they partook of food with glad and generous hearts" (Acts 2:46).
Conversely, Acts 20:7 mentions Paul in Troas breaking bread on the first day of
the week, and the Didache, the earliest Christian treatise (late first century
C.E.), also instructs that bread should be broken and thanksgiving (Eucharist)
performed each Sunday (Didache 14.1).
The Jerusalem Jewish Christians
also practiced a form of religious communism. "No one said that any of the
things which they possessed was their own, but they had everything in
common" (Acts 4:32). Although they were not formally required to relinquish
their property and goods, as was the case with the Essenes at Qumran, there was
strong moral pressure to do so; failing to comply would have been deemed
improper.
Before the inclusion of gentile
candidates, the affiliates of the Jesus party were seen by the ordinary folks
in Jerusalem as representatives of a Jewish movement or sect. They were similar
in number to the Essenes and shared customs like the daily solemn meal and
living off a common fund. In the late 50s of the first century, the followers
of Jesus were known as the “sect [hairesis] of the Nazarenes” (Acts 24:5, 14).
Later patristic literature referred to the Judeo-Christians as the Ebionites or
“the Poor.” The church historian Eusebius (260–339 C.E.) noted that up until
the Bar-Kokhba war (the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome [132–135 C.E.]), all
13 bishops of Jerusalem, starting with James, the brother of Jesus, were from
the “circumcision” (Ecclesiastical History 4.3,5).
When we look closely, we see
that Acts marks a significant demographic shift in the Jesus movement. Around
40 C.E., the family of the Roman centurion Cornelius in Caesarea was admitted
into the church (Acts 10). This was followed by the gentile members of the
mixed Jewish-Greek church in Antioch (Acts 11:19–24; Galatians 2:11–14), and
many pagan converts of Paul in Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece. With these new
members, the Jewish monopoly in the movement ended, giving birth to both Jewish
and gentile Christianity.
In the Cornelius episode (Acts
10), the Roman centurion and his entourage experienced a Pentecost-like ecstasy
that left Peter astonished and persuaded him to baptize them on the spot. This
event, however, was quite exceptional, as no further conversion of a gentile is
recorded in the Holy Land anywhere in the New Testament.
Fast forward to the late 40s
C.E., in the bustling Syrian city of Antioch, where the once-novel became
frequent. Emigré members of the Jerusalem church were joined by gentiles
evangelized and baptized by Judeo-Christians from Cyprus and Cyrene (in North Africa).
The mother church in Jerusalem dispatched Barnabas to manage this new mixed
community. Barnabas, in turn, hurried to Tarsus in Cilicia to persuade his
friend Saul/Paul, already a believer in Christ, to join him in overseeing the
new church.
In Antioch, Jewish and gentile
Christians coexisted happily and shared meals together. Peter, when visiting
the community, willingly participated in their common meals. However, the
arrival of some extra-zealous representatives from the Jerusalem church, led by
James, the brother of Jesus, changed everything. Their disapproving attitude
compelled all the Jewish Christians, including Peter and Barnabas, but notably
not Paul, to stop their table fellowship with the Greek brethren (Acts 11:2).
As a result, the union, fraternity, and harmony in the new mixed church
vanished. Outraged, Paul confronted Peter and publicly called him a hypocrite
(Galatians 2:11–14), sparking the first major row in Christendom.
After Paul’s first successful
missionary journey to Asia Minor, the entry of pagans into the Jesus fellowship
became a particularly acute issue. A council of the apostles, attended by Paul
and Barnabas, was convened in Jerusalem, at which James the brother of the Lord
and head of the mother community overruled the demands of the extremist members
of his congregation and proposed a compromise solution (Acts 15:19–21):
Gentiles wishing to join the church would be exempted from the full rigor of
the Law of Moses, including circumcision, and would merely be required to
abstain from food sacrificed to idols, from the consumption of blood, from
eating non-ritually slaughtered meat, and from certain sex acts judged
particularly odious by Jews.
These rules were necessarily intended
for gentile converts in the diaspora. In Jerusalem different conditions
prevailed, for gentile Christians could not join their Judeo-Christian
coreligionists in the Temple as non-Jews were prohibited under threat of instant
death to set foot in the area of the holy precinct reserved for Jews.
The Jerusalem council marked the
divergence of Jewish and gentile Christianity. While both groups agreed on key
beliefs like Christ's return, the resurrection, and God's Kingdom, they had
different views on other matters. Paul influenced gentile practices,
transforming baptism into a mystical act and the communal meal into a
sacramental event. These differences eventually led to animosity and
anti-Jewish sentiment in the gentile church.
Two of the oldest Christian
writings provide a fascinating glimpse into the differences between the two
branches of early Jesus followers. The Didache, also known as the Doctrine of
the Twelve Apostles, likely composed in Palestine or Syria, stands as our last
major Jewish-Christian document preserved in its entirety. On the other hand,
the Epistle of Barnabas is one of the earliest expressions of gentile
Christianity, marked by its anti-Jewish sentiments.
The Didache is generally dated
to the latter half of the first century C.E., potentially predating some New
Testament writings. Its religious program is essentially a summary of the
Mosaic Law, emphasizing the love of God and neighbor, and includes the so-called
"golden rule" in its negative Jewish form: "Whatever you do not
want to happen to you, do not do to another" (Didache 1.2). This contrasts
with the positive Gospel version: "Whatever you wish that men would do to
you, do so to them" (Matthew 7:12; Luke 6:31). The lifestyle advocated in
the Didache mirrors that of the primitive Jerusalem community described in
Acts, including religious communism: "Share all things with your brother
and do not say that anything is your own" (Didache 4.8). It appears to
recommend observing the entire Mosaic Law or as much of it as possible (Didache
6.2).
Baptism is depicted as an
ablution, a purification rite, with a spray of water as an alternative to
immersion if pools or rivers are unavailable. Communal prayer involved reciting
the "Our Father" three times daily. The thanksgiving meal (Eucharist)
was celebrated on the Lord’s Day (Sunday) (Didache 14:1). It was both a real
dinner and a symbol of spiritual nourishment. Notably, there is no reference to
the Lord’s Supper in the Pauline sense.
In the Didache, teaching
authority was vested in itinerant prophets, much like those mentioned in Acts
11:27–28. These prophets were supported by bishops and deacons, who were not
appointed by apostolic successors as was customary in gentile churches but were instead democratically elected by the community.
One of the most intriguing
aspects of the Didache’s doctrine is its portrayal of Jesus. This early
Judeo-Christian text does not incorporate Paul’s theological concepts of the
redeeming Christ or John’s divine Word or Logos. Remarkably, Jesus is never referred
to as the “Son of God” in the Didache. The only instance of this term appears
in reference to the Antichrist, described as “the seducer of the world”
(Didache 16.4). The sole title given to Jesus in the Didache is the Greek term
"pais," which can mean either servant or child. Given that Jesus
shares this title with King David in relation to God (Didache 9.2; see also
Acts 4:25), it is evident that it should be interpreted as God’s “Servant.”
Thus, the Didache employs the humblest Christological designation for Jesus.
In essence, the Jesus depicted
in the Didache is primarily an eschatological teacher, anticipated to return
soon to gather and lead the dispersed members of his church to the Kingdom of
God. The Pauline and Johannine notions of atonement and redemption are
conspicuously absent in this earliest account of Judeo-Christian life. Passed
down by Jewish teachers to Jewish listeners, the image of Jesus in the Didache
remains closely aligned with the earliest traditions underlying the Synoptic
Gospels, and the Christian community described in the Didache mirrors the
Jerusalem church depicted in Acts.
The transformation of Jesus'
image from a charismatic prophet to a superhuman figure coincided with a
significant geographical and religious shift. As the Christian gospel spread
from the Galilean-Judean Jewish culture to the pagan Greco-Roman world, the
church, under Paul's organizational brilliance, adopted a hierarchical
structure led by bishops, presbyters, and deacons. This shift led to the
diminishing Jewish influence, paving the way for a rapid
"gentilization" and subsequent de-judaization and anti-judaization of
early Christianity. This evolution is evident in the Epistle of Barnabas, one
of the earliest works of gentile Christianity.
This letter, falsely attributed
to Barnabas, Paul's companion, was actually penned by a gentile-Christian
author, likely from Alexandria, around the 120s C.E. It nearly became part of
the sacred scriptures, being included in the fourth-century Codex Sinaiticus,
but was ultimately deemed non-canonical by the church. The letter references
the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem, dating it post-70 C.E., but its
lack of mention of the Second Jewish Revolt (132–135 C.E.) suggests it was
written before 135 C.E.
The Epistle of Barnabas is a
hybrid work. It combines moral instructions (Barnabas 18–21), based on a Jewish
tractate on the way of light and darkness, also found in the Didache 1–5 and
the first-century B.C.E. Community Rule among the Dead Sea Scrolls, with a
lengthy anti-Jewish diatribe (Barnabas 1–17). The author portrays two opposing
groups, "we" (Christians) and "they" (Jews), with their
dispute rooted in the Greek Old Testament (Septuagint), which both sides
claimed as their own.
Barnabas seeks to enlighten his readers with "perfect knowledge" (gnosis) by unveiling the true meanings behind key Biblical concepts such as Covenant, Temple, sacrifice, circumcision, Sabbath, and food laws. He argues that the Jews have misunderstood these Old Testament institutions and precepts by interpreting them literally, whereas they should be understood allegorically, in line with the exegesis popular in Alexandria. Essentially, the laws of Moses have been spiritualized in the new law revealed by Jesus (Barnabas 2:5)
Barnabas emphasizes that sacrifice should not involve ritual slaughter but should instead demand a contrite heart. Forgiveness of sins is not achieved through the killing of animals but through the mystical sprinkling of Christ's blood (Barnabas 5:1–6). The ideas of Paul, which are overlooked by the author of the Didache, are central to Barnabas's thought. He asserts that those with gnosis understand that the grace of true circumcision of the heart is granted not by physical mutilation but through the cross of Jesus (Barnabas 9:3–7).
For Barnabas and his gentile Christian followers, the covenant between God and the Jews was never valid; it was nullified when Moses, upon seeing the Jews worshiping the golden calf, shattered the stone tablets inscribed by God's hand. This act rendered the Jewish covenant void, necessitating its replacement by the covenant sealed with the redemptive blood of "beloved Jesus" in the hearts of Christians (Barnabas 4:6–8, 14:1–7).
Barnabas presents a significantly more sophisticated image of Jesus compared to the Didache’s portrayal of Him as merely the “Servant” of God. Barnabas refers to Jesus as “the Son” or “the Son of God” over a dozen times, emphasizing His divine nature. This “Son of God” is depicted as having existed for all eternity, actively participating in the creation of the world. It was to this preexistent Jesus that God spoke the words, “Let us make man according to our image and likeness” at the foundation of the world (Barnabas 5:5, 6:12).
Barnabas further implies Jesus’s
quasi-divine nature by explaining that the Son of God took on a human form
because, without such a disguise, no one could look upon Him and survive
(Barnabas 5:9–10). The ultimate purpose of the descent of “the Lord of the
entire world” among humanity was to suffer in order to conquer death and
demonstrate the reality of resurrection (Barnabas 5:5–6). This perspective
aligns closely with, and perhaps even extends beyond, the Pauline-Johannine
vision of Christ and His salvific work.
The divergence between Jewish
and gentile Christianity is already evident at this stage, with the Epistle of
Barnabas marking the beginning of the church’s doctrinal evolution along
exclusively gentile lines. About fifty years after Barnabas, the bishop of
Sardis, Melito, accused the Jews of deicide, stating, “God has been murdered …
by the right hand of Israel” (Paschal Homily 96). Consequently, Jewish
Christianity no longer holds any relevance.
The Didache represents the last
gasp of Judeo-Christianity. Following Hadrian's suppression of the Second
Jewish Revolt in 135 C.E., Jewish Christianity began its decline. Justin
Martyr, who was executed in 165 C.E., proudly observed that by his time,
non-Jews significantly outnumbered Jewish members within the church (First
Apology).
As time went on,
Judeo-Christianity, the elder sister that adhered to Mosaic precepts while
embracing a primitive faith in Jesus, gradually became a fringe phenomenon.
Judeo-Christians slowly disappeared, either rejoining the Jewish community or
being absorbed into the gentile church.
Need more information on who Barnabas was, and what The Didache is? Click below!
Who was Barnabas in the Bible?
What is The Didache?
Please note: sources for this article include Biblical Archaeology Society and BibleRef.Com.
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Bruce holds degrees in Computer Science, Biblical History, and American History from Temple University and Liberty University; he has also completed a Doctorate in Educational Organizational Leadership at Abilene Christian University. He is a member of the Epsilon Pi Tau Honor Society, Golden Key Honor Society, Historical Studies Honor Society, and the Saber and Scroll Society. He has worked in educational technology for 30 years and specializes in building infrastructures for schools that work to support the mission of technology in education in the classroom. He has also served as a classroom teacher in computer science, history, and English classes at both the high school and College levels. His baseball career spanned almost 15 years, from high school through Division I college ball and experience in MLB. He has coached players at various levels from ages 8 through 18.
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